Throughout the
semester, I found myself interested in certain parallels between the Muslim
faith and contemporary Christianity. So for my final paper, I addressed some of
these parallels. Specifically, I looked at the tension between conservative and progressive in both religions. I argue that the underlying source
of tension arises from a twofold source: the notion of deterritorialization and corresponding conceptualizations of "context;"
and people's perspectives on gender relations.
The first half of this
source of tension, deterritorialization,
is used by Arjun Appadurai in his book Modernity at Large. It refers to
"the loosening of the holds between people, wealth, and territories"
(p. 49). In my paper, I argue that conservative strains of Islam and
Christianity tend to shun the idea of deterritorialization. This tendency
arises from how they conceptualize "context." Conservative Muslims
seem to view "context" as the history of Western (i.e. non-Muslim)
colonization of Muslim regions (e.g. the letters by Maryam Jameelah. Also see
my blog post from 3/3/12, titled "Jameelah and Esack"). Conservative Christians
– within the US – see "context" as the Judeo-Christian ideology upon
which the US founded. For both these conservative groups, "context"
has geopolitical overtones. Thus they do not deterritorialize; they do not
separate religion from territory.
Progressives, on the
other hand, do embrace
deterritorialization. They tend to view "context" in a geopolitical
way, but in a sociocultural way. To them, "context" refers to the
socio-cultural-historical setting in which the Quran/Bible was written (e.g. Farid
Esack, On Being a Muslim).
Gender relations is
the second half of the source of conservative/progressive tension. In both
Islam and Christianity, conservatives tend to embrace traditional/patriarchal
gender roles, whereas progressives have a more egalitarian/feminist mindset
(e.g. the letters by Maryam Jameelah).
I draw two major
conclusions in my paper. The first is that both conservatives and progressives –
in both Islam and Christianity – have mixed religious and political motives. In
particular, people's views on deterritorialization and "context"
inform their views on gender relations. For example, because Esack takes into
account the patriarchal sociocultural setting in which the Quran was written,
he concludes that certain passages that may seem patriarchal today were
actually radically egalitarian to their original audience (ch. 5). He argues
that we should maintain the same spirit of movement – thus he reaches a
progressive conclusion on issues of gender. And if this flow of influence
occurs – if conceptualizations of deterritorialization and context influence
view on gender issues – then politics influence ideology.
The second major
conclusion I draw is that Islam is not inherently misogynist. A dominant
discourse in the West is that Islam is intrinsically sexist. But because the
issue of gender relations is an underlying source of tension in both
Christianity and Islam, Islam is not
inherently more misogynist than Christianity. Both Christians and Muslims
wrestle with the issue of gender relations, with some sects and individuals
reaching conservative conclusions and others arriving at more progressive
destinations. Therefore, analyzing Islam and Christianity within the frameworks
of globalization, deterritorialization, and gender challenges the dominant
discourse of Muslim misogyny.
-GGM
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